Browsing by Author "Onulduran, Ersin"

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    11 Eylül sonrası Amerikan dış politikasında hegemonyanın yeniden inşası
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2011) Telatar, Gökhan; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
    After the September 11 attacks, terrorism became the most important threat for the world and a war was initiated againts this threat in a global scale. George W. Bush administration tried to reconstruct American hegemony in the context of discourse of struggle against terrorism. The new threat definition comprises terrorist organizations and axis of evil countries like Iraq, Iran and North Korea. Despite all arguments, policies of Bush administration after the September 11 did not bring comprehensive changes in American foreign policy. Bush administration initiated unilateral actions more frequently than previous presidents, ignoring international legitimacy, attributed paramount importance to military power.The main reason of the change in the aftermath of the September 11 was the necessity of reconstruction of the American hegemony. Despite the shock effect of the September 11 attacks on United States, the change was beyond the struggle against terrorism. This change was realised for the reconsturction of the American hegemony in the context of struggle with terrorism. The other rationale of this change stemmed from the neo-conservative vision prioratizing the reconstruction of the American hegemony. Thus, neo-conservative policy makers in Bush administration were strongly influential in this strong policy change. George W. Bush having Jacksonian view point, Donald Rumsfeld supporting offensive realist view point, Dick Cheney who is an offensive and Condoleezza Rice, a defensive realist followed the implementation of neo-conservative foreign policy vision.
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    1960'lardan bu yana nükleer silahsızlanma alanında yaşanan gelişmeler
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2008) Reshetnikova, Valentina; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
    From behind of the two world wars of the past century and their destruction power, this century is characterized as the most inhuman towards the mankind on the historical scene. Nuclear Weapons have become the most unsurpassed invention of the century. Nuclear weapons, which had been used during World War, II, provided the end of the war by its uttermost horror and at the same time, these nuclear weapons provided the end of the great collisions during the Cold War preventing its transformation into the World War, III. Thus a successful balance and a determent environment have been created in a certain sense. Even if nuclear weapons are not agitated so much these days, they are the most horrible nightmare for the mankind.Consequently, ?The Super Weapon?s dream and horror, which guarantees an absolute supremacy of the world, have perplexed the science fiction by the 20th century?s Nuclear Weapons and become an agenda for the scientists. However, those which become true were less dramatical from the anticipated ones: The leading powers of the Cold War have stocked these type of weapons by producing them.The denominated understanding of the nuclear deterrence has been followed strictly by the two blocks? leaders during the Cold War. In scope of this understanding, in the name of human race disappearing, immediately after the World War II, especially from 1960?s, in order to restrict nuclear weaponing, some preventive measures, constructing of the trust institutions and signing international agreements between the two parties have begun and we can assume that, these measures are continuing till nowadays. However, within the few last years the world politics is much deeper in the armament activities then in the disarmament.As a result of our thesis research, we analyzed the period of the fast movement nuclear disarmament, especially from 1960?s and wanted to highlight the past developments and the consequences of these developments in connection with the above said.Key Words: Nuclear Armament, Nuclear Disarmament, Deterrence, Nuclear Weapons
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    ABD'nin Irak politikası (1990-2003)
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2010) Özmen, Murat; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
    It is probable to distinguish US Iraq policy for the 1990-2003 period into two basic terms: Between 1990-1998, it is the dual containment policy and between 1998-2003, it is both the dual containment and overthrown policy.The aim by these policies impedes the emergence of a new adversary after the Cold War. The reports and strategy papers such as Defense Strategy for the 1990s, National Security Strategy (1993), Project for New American Century (1997), Rebuilding America?s Defenses (2000), National Security Strategy (2000), National Security Strategy (2002) explicitly display that case. Accordingly, US has an obligation to avoid that threat before it occurs. As such, it is not possible that US can abstain the responsibilities of the global leadership and the results of the use of force. In this context, Iraq is a ?rogue state?, also in the ?axis of evil?. US claims that Iraq, having weapons of mass destruction and the connection with Al-Quida terrorist organization, supplies a threat against US which is the global guarantor of liberty, peace and stability. Therefore, US eliminates the threat as a hegemonic power in order to restore peace, security and stability that the international system needs for. So, US? global practices, leading to invasion, acquire the ?legitimacy? because the international system is anarchic for not having the central authority which would regulate the system itself and therefore needs for the practices of the hegemon.
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    Azerbaycan'ın petrol stratejisi ve Batı'yla bütünleşme
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2006) Mırzayev, Elvin; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
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    Bush Doktrini ve askeri gücün önalıcı ve önleyici savaş kapsamında kullanılması
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2011) Cural, Ahmet; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
    According to the realistic approach, struggling for power and interest among actors constitutes the essence of the international system. In this system, every single state naturally chases to have security at least in the sustainable level. For the goal of protecting international peace and security, UN system, composed after 1945, issued the prohibition on the use of force for all states in their international affairs apart from self-defense.Yet, after the Cold War, terrorism in the world causes new debates on the rules concerning power use to struggle against new threats such as expansion of rogue states and Weapons of Mass Destruction. In this respect, that terrorism concept is obliged to be adapted in the objective and ability frame of terrorist groups was revealed with Bush Doctrine at the top level. Here, the vital point is that Doctrine brings the right of preventive and preemptive action to USA against the organizations threatening its national interest.This kind of power use in defiance of International Law and usage and custom law deeply affects international system, law and norms order that UN system has been trying to build for over sixty years. In this frame, by determining use of power in study and view of international community so far for the subject matter within the newly regulations, legal and normative limitations of power use was created.Afterwards, although Bush Doctrine was analyzed, and a number of cases requiring use of preventive military activity happened, it was determined that the states rarely tried this kind of alternatives. In this context, it was deduced that when the states take the resolution of application for preventive military power, they have tendency to take the normative and legal issues into consideration at least in a certain level.
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    Güney Kafkasya devletlerinin enerji güvenliği (1990-2010)
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2017) Valiyev, Emil; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
    Bu çalışmada Sovyetler Birliği'nin dağılmasından sonra bağımsızlıklarını kazanan Güney Kafkasya Cumhuriyetleri olan Azerbaycan, Gürcistan ve Ermenistan'ın enerji güvenliği politikaları ve enerji politikaları kapsamında bölgesel ve küresel güç merkezleri ile olan ilişkileri, aynı zamanda bu ilişkileri etkileyen ve şekillendiren faktörler incelenmiştir. Güney Kafkasya Cumhuriyetlerinin enerji güvenlik politikalarının çok geniş bir alanı kapsadığını dikkate alarak, çalışmanın çerçevesini bu politikayı belirleyen temeller, etkileyen ülke içi ve ülke dışı faktörler ve bunların karşılıklı etkileşimi oluşturmaktadır. Bu tez çalışması beş bölümden oluşmaktadır. Birinci bölümde enerji güvenliği kavramı ele alınmış ve ülkelerin dış politikası açısından incelenmiştir. Bu bölüm kapsamında dünyada temel enerji kaynakları olarak bilinen petrol ve doğal gaz rezervlerinin istatistik değerlendirmesi yapılmıştır. Aynı zamanda Güney Kafkasya'nın uluslararası ilişkilerdeki önemi, sahip olduğu enerji kaynakları ve jeopolitik açısından konumu bu bölüm kapsamında değerlendirilmiştir. İkinci bölümde ise dünyanın stratejik ve bölgesel güç merkezlerinden ABD, AB, Rusya, Türkiye ve İran'ın yürüttükleri enerji stratejilerinin Güney Kafkasya politikalarına etkisi araştırılmıştır. Tez çalışmasının üçüncü, dördüncü ve beşinci bölümleri Güney Kafkasya Cumhuriyetleri olan Azerbaycan'ın, Ermenistan'ın ve Gürcistan'ın enerji güvenliği dış politikaları kapsamında değerlendirilmiştir. Bu bölümde aynı zamanda Güney Kafkasya Cumhuriyetlerinin sahip oldukları enerji rezervleri, Anahtar kelimeler: Enerji Güvenliği, Güney Kafkasya, Azerbaycan, Ermenistan, Gürcistan, Petrol, Doğal gaz.
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    İKİNCİ DÜNYA SAVAŞI SONRASINDA AVRUPA'DA SAVUNMA VE GÜVENLİK
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2004) Gürkaynak Muharrem; Onulduran, Ersin
    Bu çalışma, İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında Avrupa’da Savunma ve Güvenlik oluşumu ve gelişimini incelemektedir. Konu giriş ve sonuç bölümleri dışında dört ana bölümden oluşmaktadır. Birinci bölümde, İkinci Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonra Avrupa’daki savunma ve güvenliğin temelleri araştırılmış ve nedenleri incelenmiştir. İkinci bölümde Batı Avrupa ülkelerinin, Soğuk Savaş süresince savunma ve güvenliklerini NATO aracılığıyla sağlamaları nedeniyle, kırk yılı aşan bu sürede izlenen politika ve stratejilere yer verilmiştir. Üçüncü bölümde, Soğuk Savaş sonrasında, Avrupa savunma ve güvenliği ile doğrudan bağlantılı örgütler olan NATO, AGİT ve AB’de yaşanan gelişmeler ve Avrupa Savunma ve Güvenlik yapılanmasındaki önemleri değerlendirilmiştir. Dördüncü bölümde ise, AB bünyesinde Avrupa’nın savunma ve güvenliğini bağımsız bir şekilde gerçekleştireceği düşünülen AGSP konusu incelenmiştir. AGSP ile ilgili yaşanan gelişmelere, AGSK-AGSP ayırımına, eski Yugoslavya’nın dağılma sürecinde Bosna-Hersek ve Kosova’da izlenen politikalara, Rusya, ABD ve Türkiye’nin AGSP’yi algılamalarına yer verilerek, Avrupa güvenliğinin geleceği üzerinde durulmuştur. Çalışmanın sonunda, Avrupa’daki savunma ve güvenliğin uluslararası ilişkilerde yaşanacak gelişmelere göre şekilleneceği, ancak kısa ve orta vadede NATO’dan tamamen bağımsız bir yapılanmaya ulaşamayacağı tespiti yapılmıştır.
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    Kuzeydoğu Asya bölge sisteminde Kuzey ve Güney Kore: Soğuk savaş sonrası dönem (1991-2001)
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2003) Çolakoğlu, Selçuk; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
    The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the Northeast Asian regional system and the position of North and South Koreas within the system in the post- Cold War era. It also endeavors to investigate the reasons behind the failure of North and South Koreas' unification, while Germany, Vietnam and Yemen, which were divided in the Cold War era, were successfully united. In order to analyze this issue, it is necessary to understand and clarify the Northeast Asian regional system thoroughly. The theoretical framework of the study adopts the neorealist approach which was developed by Kenneth N. Waltz. In the light of the theory, four main hypotheses, which were confirmed by the main findings of the study, are developed. The main findings of the study are as follows; Firstly, the states in the Northeast Asian sub-system behave according to their national interests. Conflicting interests of the great powers (USA, Japan, China, Russia), which mainly determine the system in the region, prevent such unification. Secondly, the actors in the Northeast Asian sub-system carry out a balancing strategy against each other. While Korean Peninsula plays a vital role for the balancing strategy of those countries, none of them wants a sudden Korean unification. Thirdly, the balance which was established during the Cold War era in Northeast Asia has been continuation of the status quo. The most significant evidence of the status quo was the inability of Koreas to unify even though it has been more than a decade since the Cold War ended. Fourthly, the Northeast Asian regional system directly affects international system since four of five states (except the EU), which can shape the world order, are based in the region. Furthermore, Norm and South Koreas, too, are militarily and economically significant mid-size powers that can disturb both regional and international balance of power. As a result, all states in the Northeast Asian sub-system are in favor of the continuity of the current status quo. One cannot expect such unification as long as this regional balance remains unchanged. Keywords: Northeast Asian Regional System, Korean Unification, Neorealism, Balance of Power, Great Powers.
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    Merkez çevre yaklaşımında Çin'in tehdit algılaması ve güvenlik yapılanması
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2009) Adıbelli, Barış; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
    China, which is one of the oldest civilizations in the world, has been debatingsince the Opium War. But the most important debate had been made after the periodwhich started with the collapsing of Berlin Wall and concluded with the disappearingof Soviet Union. As a member of Communist Bloc why China did not collapse whileSoviet Union, which was the founder pillar of Communist Bloc, collapsing. BothWest and this PhD thesis seek the answer of that question. The main reason ofdisappearance of Communist States was the course of those states which wasdeterminant by rigid ideological principles. Instead of acceptance of rigid and prostatus quo policy like others, China adopted moderate and periodical changeablepolicies. That was the main reason in the accomplishment of China. In contrast toSoviet Union, China did not have stable threat perception; thus China did not haverigid security policy. The threat centers and security policies were changing inparallel with time. China perceived the threats via the mechanism of core-peripherystructure. As it known China has been calling her self as Middle Kingdom. Althoughthe official name of China is different, the term of Middle Kingdom continued in thecommunist period. The main aim of this thesis is examination of change in the threatperception and the cause of historical factors. The main argument of thesis is thatChina does not follow pragmatic policy rather China follows more systematic andwell experienced foreign policy. Ideology, threat perception and security formationare the main components of Chinese foreign policy. This thesis is based on Core-Periphery approach as theoretical framework in order to investigate Post Cold Warpolicy of China in terms of geopolitics.
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    NATO ve Kazakistan
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2007) Davlyatchina, Aigul; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
    After the crash of the Soviet Union all the Central Asian countries became independent. Out of its integrational problems Central Asia did not take an important role in foreign politics at this period of time. But inspite of it one of Central Asian countries Kazakhstan had the situation more stabilized. That is why Kazakhstan especially because of its energy resources plays an important role in the region. The Republic of Kazakhstan is a kind of communicative bridge between Europe and Asia. That is why for the dynamic development of country?s economic relations with international and regional organization should be built. In this frame to view a more active politics in Central Asia and to build more constructive relations with Russia, China and the USA Kazakhstan needs to develop bilateral and multilateral relations and to cooperate with international organizations. In this thesis Kazakhstan is examined as an active partner of NATO. The main aim of Kazakhstan is not membership but the building of military and political cooperation between West and East Europe and Kazakhstan according to its inner politics principles. Kazakhstan ? NATO relations are developing in different ways. Conerning it by participating to the NATO Partnership for Peace, Individual Partnership Program, Science for Peace programs Kazakhstan aims at increasing its military forces, informative abilities and military educational potential.
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    Orta Asya entegrasyonu Sorunları ve çözüm yollları
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2006) Suyundikov, Suinday; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
    After the decomposition of the USSR, the Central Asian countries got theirindependence and faced with new problems. They began to search the way of solvingthese problems. As a result they found themselves in an integration period. Theintegration period they faced with problems such as lack of infrastructure andcommunication. They took as a model the integration system of EU and ASEANcountries in integration period. The cultural and national values of Central AsiaCountries should be emphasized. This is an important thing taking the integrationsystem of EU as a model. At the same time international relations must be developedand consultation with neighbour countries should be continued.As a result, the role of integration is important in development of political andeconomical sphere in Central Asian Countries. Of course, in order to succeed inintegration we have to follow some methods and principles.
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    Rusya Federasyonu`nun Güney Kafkasya politikası
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2012) Şabanov, Mustafa; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
    Throughout the history the South Caucasus has been an important region for the regional powers both from geopolitical and strategic standpoints. In 1991, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, several new states were founded in the South Caucasus, which had been under Russian domination for a long period of time, and the balance on international scene commenced to change. Formation of the Russian Federation on the international scene had made the combat for domination In the South Caucasus more severe.For the Russian Federation, the South Caucasus region is very important to ensure its own stability and security. Since Russia has a direct common border with the South Caucasus, it is against to other forces? domination in the region, and at the same time characterizes the region where its vital interests intersect as ?Close Neighborhood?, while shaping its foreign policy. For this reason, Russia is directly interested in the events occurring in the region and pays close attention to them. Among regional states, Azerbaijan and Georgia pursue pro-Western policies in order to participate in the world politics, balancing the role of Russia in the region. Armenia, on the other hand, remains the most important factor symbolizing the Russian power in the region. This factor is essential for Russia in terms of providing geopolitical balance in the region.The Russian Federation, has determined the nature of relations with South Caucasus states based on the doctrines, concepts and strategies formed on the grounds of the Eurasian and the Atlantic streams, which are the main contours of her foreign policy. Russia applies different strategies and policies against these states, which became independent from Russia, in order to rejoin them. Political and economic tools are used in order to pursue this aim. Sometimes attempting to control the petrol/natural gas pipelines and routes in the region, and sometimes intentionally appliying
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    S.S.C.B.'nin 1979 yılında Afganistan'ı işgalinden 2001 ABD müdahalesine giden süreçte uluslararası ortamda Afganistan'ın konumu
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2011) Muhtat, Muhammad Qassem; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
    The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the role of Afghanistan in international affairs from the Soviet occupation of 1979 till the intervention of U.S.A.in 2001.The first section of this thesis is on the geostrategic, economic, and ethnic situation of Afghanistan.The second section will deal with the establishment of Afghanistan government till it got membership of the United Nations as well as its relations with other member countries.In the third section, the invasion of the USSR and its occupation will be discussed.The fourth section will analyze the withdrawal of USSR from Afghanistan and the ensuing civil war which gave rise to the Taliban.
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    Soğuk savaş sonrası iran'ın Güney Kafkasya politikası
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2007) Veliyev, Emil; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler
    This study prımarily focuses on İran?s foreign and South Caucasus policy, its relations with the South Caucasus states, and the factors affecting this relationship after the collaps of the Soviet Union. While considering İran?s Caucasus policy in all areas, the study examines internal and external factors and the interaction amongst these factors. This study contains two main parts. The first part is divided into two subsections. Section one of the part one deals with the study of conception of İran?s foreign policy througth it?s South Caucasus policy after the Cold War. The second sub-section of the part one deals with study of the internal factors that affects Tahran?s South Caucasus policy. These factors are geographic and goepolitical positions; İran?s ethnical structure; military forces and military capabilities; and finally İran?s foreign policy after the Cold War. The second part of the study focuses on South Caucasu?s geopolitical position, its importance for İran and the relations between İran and South Caucasus states. Besides, the study also examines internal and external factors of South Caucasus states that affects İran-South Caucasus relations
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    Türkiye Bulgaristan ilişkileri (1919-1988)
    (Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 1988) Bıçaklı, Hüseyin Avni; Onulduran, Ersin; Uluslararası İlişkiler